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Fire
Department History 1848 to 1900
by Shirley Lerner
University of Texas at San Antonio
May 13, 1986
We deeply appreciate Mrs. Lerner allowing us
to post this paper for the enjoyment and education of our membership and
our community.
The crack of a pistol and the clanging
of church bells sounded a fire alarm in 19th century San Antonio and
announced impending drama to all citizens. In the early years, every
individual available to lend a hand scurried to the area where smoke or
a reddish glow in the sky indicated a conflagration. As time passed and
volunteer fire companies modernized to the point where the entire
community no longer was needed to fight a blaze, the sound of the alarm
invited everyone to the fire so that, at best, they could become
spectators at a very exciting sporting event. Some took the opportunity
to do a little looting as the more egalitarian fought side by side with
the fireman to save life and property. Others enjoyed watching the
antics of the volunteers as they not only attempted to fight the fire,
but often scuffled with competing fire companies to extinguish the
blaze. Sometimes the rivalry intensified to the point where the fire was
ignored as the volunteers did battle with each other.
When the City Government established a
paid fire department in 1891, firefighting became more efficient, but
the color and glamour of the rowdy volunteers was lost forever. City
growth and technological advances in firefighting equipment and alarm
systems created the need for professionals to take over as firemen.
Within the time period between the formation of the first antebellum
volunteer companies and modernization in the 1890's, conservative
political and economic interests influenced the evolution of
firefighting and fire prevention in San Antonio. The demise of the
volunteer department ended an unusual fraternal phenomenon which crossed
class boundaries and added a delightful f1avor to the city's image. The
history of San Antonio's fire department includes some very serious
concerns and important and costly innovations. It is lightened, however,
by the pride and good humor of a community which adored and revered its
volunteer companies.
Wonderful stories are told about San
Antonio's Volunteer Fire Companies and the people who joined them.
Though they were often rowdy and frequently subject to the effects of a
few too many "sip' of the brew", they served their city well. Unlike
some members of volunteer departments in other cities, no San Antonio
volunteer was ever indicted for arson or criminal activities. Bruce
Laurie notes in The People of Philadelphia that gangs of thugs
who supported various fire companies would deliberately start fires in
districts where rival companies served (The Author claimed that it is
difficult to determine whether or not same gang members were also
firefighters.) When the fire equipment from competing companies raced to
the scene of the arson, the gangs would overpower them and steal their
equipment. Laurie also relates that Phi1adelphia firefighters actually
killed or wounded each other during heated battles. San Antonio
volunteers did scuffle with one another, but no one was ever killed as a
result. In 1932, Joe Luther, a radio announcer and self-proclaimed
authority on the "old days", gave a colorful newspaper account depicting
a typical fire call in San Antonio during the eighties:
"In the early 80's there were two
volunteer fire companies in the city. They had several hose and pump
buggies that were drawn by hand and no sooner did the fire bell ring
until the volunteers shedding their coats as they ran, were whooping it
up and dragging the fire wagon off in the general direction of the
smoke. The city's streets were in pretty sorry shape in those gone days,
and the boys frequently had a time getting the wagons through the
streets after a heavy rain. Old timers remember that when the fireman
got bogged up in the mud, cowboys would come by, throw lassos over the
wagon and help drag it, giving San Antonio the only cowboy drawn fire
department in the world. There were two volunteer companies, and they
hated each other like rival collegians. They sometimes mixed it with
fists when they met, singly or in groups, on the street, the old timers
say. They raced each other to the fire, with the good townspeople laying
odds on who got there first. Once at the scene of the fire, the rival
companies would race each other to the water hydrants and would race to
see who could get a stream playing on the blaze first. They booed each
other, if our information is correct, and each company had its
supporters and gallery. They didn't have radios of pennant play-offs in
those days and a good fire was an amusement attraction. There were even
a few occasions when the boys loyalty got worked up to the point where
they turned their hose streams on each others ranks while, we suppose,
the poor householder sat on the curb figuring how long it would take him
to build another house.
Throughout the years of the volunteer
department, citizens took pride in the fire companies. Whenever there
was a parade, all the men, dressed in their uniforms and pulling their
sparkling equipment, would march through the streets of the city.
Children idolized them and adult citizens respected their call to duty.
On many Sunday mornings, church goers could walk over to a park after
services and watch the volunteers practice climbing ropes and performing
calisthenics to keep themselves in top physica1 condition. To support
their companies, the volunteers and their wives sponsored picnics during
the summer and many grateful citizens attended.
Unlike other fraternal organizations,
San Antonio's volunteer fire companies accepted membership from all
socio-economic classes. Men from the upper classes, however, dominated
the officer's ranks. The companies consisted mostly of Germans with a
few Irish, Italian, Southern Americans, and German-Jews scattered among
them. The over abundance of German volunteers indicates the influence
and power of that particular ethnic group in the city during the 19th
century. Mexican Americans did not participate, either because they were
not invited to join or because they never applied for membership.
Records indicate that no Hispanic group attempted to form a volunteer
company. This fact supports the claim that Mexican ethnics were unable
to organize during the 19th century. Blacks served well in separate fire
companies formed during Reconstruction.
The first fire of any significance
occurred in 1828 when the San Fernando Cathedral was destroyed. No
organized means of firefighting had emerged and a11 able-bodied citizens
pitched in to man a rather ineffective bucket brigade.
Numerous small fires which occurred in the following 25 years
prompted some young, predominant1y German, San Antonio businessmen to
form the first volunteer fire company. The Ben Milam Fire Company No. 1
was organized on June 6, 1854. It was essentially a twenty member bucket
brigade, at first, and did not receive hand pumpers for several years.
It kept its equipment and met at the old market on Main Plaza. Two years later, the
equipment was moved to a one story adobe shed near the presidio on
Military Plaza. On April 20, 1857, the Milam Company asked the City
Council to apply for a state charter. Its name was changed to the San
Antonio Hook, ladder and Fire Company and it increased its membership to
82. Through the years, it continued to be called by its original name. A
charter was granted on February 8, 1858.
Five years after the formation of the
first volunteer company, a second noteworthy conflagration gutted the
Eckenroth Store, located in the central business district.
Despite valiant efforts of the Milam volunteers, the store's
destruction was blamed on lack of sufficient equipment and manpower.
This event gave impetus to the formation of the
Alamo Fire Association No. 2 on December 21, 1859.
The two volunteer fire companies had
little funds with which to function. Donations from interested citizens
and a small stipend from the city government provided for leather
buckets, hand-drawn pumpers, and one hook and ladder cart. The city
council paid no salaries, of course, but provided scrip from $30.00 to
$100.00 to cover the expenses of the volunteers. Equipment was fragile
and frequently had to be replaced or repaired. Because of this, the
organizations frequently came to the city asking for additional funds.
Fortunately, the city's leaders co-operated with the requests of the two
companies.
As firefighting became organized, the
citizens of San Antonio were expected to participate conscientiously in
fire prevention. Numerous ordinances and rules were passed in the City
Council to enhance fire safety. As early as 1846, the city's governing
body imposed a fine of $30.00 on anyone building a hay stack or pile of
other combustible materia1 near a shed or building. In 1854, the mayor
appointed a Fire Committee and one fire marshal and deputy for each
precinct. They were to report any problem to the City Council. Names of
the appointees are not listed in City Council records or mentioned in
any local publication. In addition, citizens were to keep chimneys and
stove pipes in good condition. If they did not comply they were fined no
less than $5.00 or more than $25.00 per day until the items were cleaned
or repaired. If an individual built a fire in a wood building or did not
remove combustible material from such a structure after notification by
a marshal, they were subject to the same fines. Fire prevention laws
were not unique to San Antonio. Examination of code books printed early
in the 20th century show that these rules were made all over the United
States. Larger cities, containing vast numbers of tall structures and
thousands of residential buildings, enacted many more fire prevention
ordinances in the mid 19th century.
In January and February of 1860, two
fatal fires occurred on the East Coast. On January 10th, the Pemberton
Mill in Lawrence Massachusetts collapsed. Rescue
workers toiled throughout the day to extract victims from the debris.
Then, that night, a lantern used by one of the rescuers cracked and
ignited the ruins of the building. The resulting holocaust took 88 lives
and injured 275 people. Those still trapped in the collapsed structure
perished in the flames. Lack of adequate equipment and poor fire
prevention measures caused the destruction of a tenement building and
the loss of 20 lives in New York on February 2, 1860.
These two incidents, although circumstantial, combined with pressures
from insurance companies to upgrade fire prevention measures, may have
prompted the following sweeping legislation in San Antonio's City
Council.
On March 15, 1860, six weeks following
the New York Tenement Fire, City Council enacted an ordinance which
provided for the "prevention and extinction of fires". No roof or other
portion of a house could be constructed with combustible materials such
as grass. In case of fire, the City marshals and policemen were to act
in conjunction with the fire companies. They were to keep a11 "idle and
suspicious persons" away from the vicinity of the fire. They were to
compel able-bodied personal present to aid the volunteers. The chief and
engineer of the companies were given the same powers. Every stone,
brick, or concrete chimney and pipes from stoves, heaters, ranges, and
furnaces must be constructed not less than 2 1/2 feet above the roof and
raised 2 1/2 feet above the eaves. No fire could be made in open air
within 25 feet of any haystack, fodder, or other combustible materials.
Every stove, heater, furnace or range would have stone, brick, concrete,
sand, tin, zinc, or sheet iron under it and it would extend 6 inches on
every side. Combustible materials were to be removed from property on
Fridays of each week. Any person refusing to aid in extinguishing a fire
or violating any new propositions would be fined not less than $3.00 or
more than $20.00 or, in default, be imprisoned from 2 to 10 days. Fire
insurance standards and, possibly, the fear of vast urban destruction
caused San Antonio's fire prevention tactics to came of age. The city
ordinance was adopted without amendment.
Civilian firefighting was brought to a
near halt during the Civil War. Host of the volunteers from the two fire
companies entered into military service and were went away to do battle.
Firefighting in San Antonio was left to the Confederate soldiers who
were stationed in the city, to slaves, and to a handful of remaining
volunteers. At war's end, the Milam Company No.1 and Alamo Company No.2
were nearly decimated. Only 10% of the Milam's 82 charter members
survived the War. No records of Company No.2 indicate numbers 1ost to
battle, but it is safe to assume that they also suffered numerous
casualties.
When hostilities ceased, a
reorganization of the two companies was obviously necessary. Within a
few years, civic minded individuals replenished the ranks and the two
companies once again functioned at full force. The
repopulated organizations then set out to re-equip their personnel.
San Antonio was in a financial
bind during Reconstruction and could not afford significant modern
machinery for its firefighters. Consequently, William A. Menger, chief
of Company No. 2, gave the city its
first steam pumper on June 12, 1868. He purchased it for $4000.00
from a company in New York, paid for its shipment,
and had it hauled to San Antonio from a Galveston port. The Miriam
Company did not acquire a steam pumper until 1875. This purchase,
augmented by Mayor French, was paid for with City funds. The seven year
hiatus between the time Co. No.2 had acquired a steamer and Co. No.1 had
none must have caused some heated incidents between the rivals. The
enhanced firefighting advantage produced by Menger's engine made his
company more efficient than the Milam. Although there are no documented
scuffles between the two organizations, it is safe to assume that some
jealousy must have occurred as a result of the disparity.
On January 29, 1869, the San Antonio
Turn Verein, an athletic club, organized an additional fire company. On
May 30, 1871, the
Turner Hook and Ladder Company was chartered. Until a paid fire
department was established, this company served the community well.
Interestingly at war's end and one
year prior to the re-organization of the two original fire companies,
two new groups of volunteers, Companies No.3 and No.4. were formed. They
were comprised of black men who were either freedmen or were former
slaves of the Confederate soldiers serving in San Antonio during the
Civil War. Very little is known about Company No. 4 except for the fact
that it began in 1866, it never applied for a charter, and disbanded,
quietly, in 1881. A little more is known about Company No.3,
because it was lauded for helping Alamo Co. No.2 during the "Alamo Fire"
in 1874. San Antonio Directories list the names of the
officers of the two companies. A further check of the personnel
indicates that these volunteers were employed as messengers, wagon
drivers, or common laborers. Only one man, Jasper Thompson, held a more
distinguished professional position. He was the proprietor of the barber
shop in the Menger Hotel . With, perhaps, some guidance from
William Menger, Thompson founded Company No.3 and served as its foreman.
In their book, The San Antonio Fire Department- 1854-1976, Frank
and Genie Myer mention that the local Freedman's Bureau had a hand in
establishing the black fire companies. No documents can be found,
however, to substantiate the claim.
The saga of the 'colored' volunteer
fire companies is a significant addition to the history of
Reconstruction and it's aftermath in San Antonio. Since volunteer fire
companies enjoyed considerable prestige and political influence, it is
likely that local blacks were attempting to acquire these goals by
organizing fire companies. Little is known about these groups because
the general population in the city resented and ignored them. At the
time of their inception, the two original fire companies were struggling
to re-organize. Some felt the newly established black brigades were a
detriment to the re-building of the Milam and Alamo Companies.
Nevertheless, the two black volunteer organizations remained long after
Reconstruction's end. In 1873, seven years after its founding, a charter
was granted Fire Company No.3 during Mayor Giraud's administration.
This action is significant because it shows that the white
community had accepted some black progress. Perhaps a few of the
councilmen had formed political ties with the black community. From then
on, however, City Council records and newspaper articles make little
mention of Fire Company No. 3.
The idea that there were political
ties between the black volunteers and some white leaders is furthered by
the fact that companies No. 3 and No. 4 selected two prominent whites to
represent them when City Council elected a fire chief in 1878. J.H.
Kampmann, a well known businessman and alderman, was chosen by Co. No.3
and Edward Braden, a government contractor and future chief of Co. No.1,
was selected by Co. No.4. It is true that negative attitude toward
blacks disallowed their rightful self-representation in the election,
but obvious political ties with important urban leaders permitted same
recognition by the white community.
During the two decades of the black
fire companies' existence, the City Council did not provide funds for
them. At their request, the white volunteers were continually granted
monies for equipment and maintenance. City records indicate that
Companies No.3 and No.4 did not ask for funds until 1886 when Company
No.3 did request assistance. Perhaps the city had prohibited
them to file such petitions in the past. whether or not their equipment
was up to par, or whether or not they accepted private funds are
unanswered questions.
After Co. No.3 requested money from
City Council on December 6, 1886, the Fire Committee suggested that the
company no longer "warrants continuance" and moved to disband it.
Apparently, as croon as the blacks threatened to become a financial
burden, their public service no longer had any value. By 1888, Fire
Company No.3 was but a memory of the Reconstruction era.
Black fire companies were not unique
to San Antonio. As early as 1837, a group of stevedores in New Orleans
founded Creole Company No.9 to help fight dock fires. Their headquarters
was near the Mississippi River, at the corner of Esplanade and Decatur
Streets. A researcher at the Library of Congress discovered
the existence of a black professional fire company in Minneapolis during
the 1880's. It was not until 1968, during the HemisFair
activities, that San Antonio hired its first black professional fireman.
The era of the 70's was a time of economic recovery from the Civil
War and a period of re-building the city's elected government. The
conservative mood of the business and political elite who were to
influence the city's growth caused a retardation in city services.
Fiscal restraint and a disdain for paving high taxes kept funds for the
fire companies at a minimum. Consequently, modernization came very
slowly. Had it not been for Wlliam Menger's contribution of a steam
pumper for Alamo Co. No.2 and Mayor French's push for like equipment for
Co. No.1, the volunteers' efficiency would have been considerably
stifled. Unlike San Antonio, other cities across the country had greatly
enhanced their firefighting capabilities by providing up-to-date
machinery such as the Babcock self-acting fire engine and a variety of
telescoping and scaling ladders.
Lack of municipal funds during the
1870's left streets unpaved and kept the city from installing a water
supply system. These deficiencies coupled with insufficient equipment,
retarded the firefighting abilities of the volunteers. Frequently, a
pumper or hose carriage became bogged down in the mud while rushing to a
conflagration. When the equipment finally arrived, water had to be
hauled by bucket or hose from the river, creeks, acequias, etc. to -
distant hand or steam pumpers. Fire hydrants would have eased the
volunteers' water gathering ability, but they only existed in cities
where water supply systems had been constructed. While the need to
modernize was obvious, city officials were bent on keeping expenses to a
minimum for as long as possible. Because municipal funds were limited,
the Council sought to enact Fire fighting and fire prevention measures
for the fire companies at a minimum. Consequently, modernization came
very slowly. Had it not been for William Menger's contribution of a
steam pumper for Alamo Co. No.2 and Mayor French's push for like
equipment for Co. No.1, the volunteers' efficiency would have been
considerably stifled. Unlike San Antonio, other cities across the
country had greatly enhanced their firefighting capabilities by
providing up-to-date machinery such as the Babcock self-acting fire
engine and a variety of telescoping and scaling ladders.
Lack of municipal funds during the
1870's left streets unpaved and kept the city from installing a water
supp1y system. These deficiencies coupled with insufficient equipment,
retarded the firefighting abilities of the volunteers. Frequently, a
pumper or hose carriage became bogged down in the mud while rushing to a
conflagration. When the equipment finally arrived, water had to be
hauled by bucket or hose from the river, creeks, acequias, etc. to
distant hand or steam pumpers. Fire hydrants would have eased the
volunteers' water gathering ability, but they only existed in cities
where water supply systems had been constructed. While the need to
modernize was obvious, city officials were bent on keeping expenses to a
minimum for as long as possible. Because municipal funds were limited,
the Council sought to enact firefighting and fire prevention measures
which could be achieved without additional money. Fire prevention during
this time played an important role at City Hall. The Council produced
numerous ordinances pertaining to building methods, fire starting, and
the storage of combustible materials. In 1874, a system of geographical
fire limits was established. Within these limits, strict fire codes were
enforced. These boundaries separated the greater municipal area from
outlying zones. In 1873, the Council provided funds, for the first time,
to purchase and keep horses and paid drivers so that some previously
hand-hauled equipment could be driven to he scene of a blaze. These
drivers, who were not firefighters, slept at the firehouses and cared
for the teams. 1n 1875, Mayor French's request to purchase a steam
pumper for the Milam company was granted. With the exception of the
horse, drivers, and steam pumper, City Council provided no major funding
for the fire companies during the 1870's. As the city's population
exploded at the end of the decade, concerned citizens saw the need for
additional firefighting assistance. Consequently, three new volunteer
fire companies were established to serve in the newer residential areas
of the city. The following brigades received their charter in the
eighties: The Second Ward Hose Co. on April 14, 1883; the Sunset Hose
Co. No.1 early in 1885; and the Mission Hose Co. No.4, on October 16,
1885.
In the spring of 1878, the City
Council, in order to establish some cohesiveness between the separate
Fire companies, organized the San Antonio Volunteer Fire Department. In
an ordinance dated May 21, 1878, the Council proposed that there be one
chief, elected by the aldermen, to take charge. Each of the five
companies were to present a nominee, one of whom would be elected by the
50 council. The resulting election on July 2, 1878 produced a tie between J. H. Kampmann, the white nominee of "Colored"
Co. No. 3; and
G. A. Duerler, a local confectioner, who was nominated by the Turner
Hook and Ladder Company. Forced to cast the deciding vote, Mayor James
French selected Duerler. It is possible that French's swing vote in
favor of Duerler was influenced by an anti-black attitude. On the other
hand, Duerler may well have been chosen because French felt he was the
best man for the job. This is substantiated by the fact that Duerler was
frequently re-elected during the remaining years of the century.
Between October 1871 and November
1872, the three worst fires in United States history were recorded. The
Great Chicago Fire in 1671, The Wisconsin Forest fire in that same year,
and the Great Fire of Boston claimed more than 1500 lives, destroyed a
million and a half acres, and 52 caused nearly 41.5 billion (in today's
dollars) damage. In the early 1860's, following several fatal Fires in
the United States, City Council spent a great deal of time upgrading
fire prevention measures. No concentration of municipal proclamations or
ordinances concerning fire prevention are found around the dates of the
great conflagrations of the 1870's. Since government leaders realized
that the tight city budget would not allow for updating city services,
they simply ignored the national tragedies.
It was not until the mid-eighties,
under the leadership of Mayor Bryan Callaghan, that the fire department
and other city services were markedly enhanced. He brought to his office
a progressive approach to city government. In order to satisfy the
ongoing mood of fiscal conservatism and the lingering desire to keep
taxes low, Callaghan provided funds for improvements by borrowing from
local banks and through issuing municipal bonds. His administration is
credited, among other things, for paving the streets and installing fire
hydrants.
Callaghan's time in office paralleled
mushrooming technological advances throughout America. These advances
affected the development of fire departments, the equipment they used,
and fire alarm systems. It was during the eighties that the first
discussions pertaining to a switch from a volunteer fire department to a
paid organization were held in San Antonio. By this time, most major
urban areas throughout the country had converted to such organizations.
In addition, other cities had purchased modern equipment and had
replaced old Fire bells with electrical alarm systems. San Antonio was
growing too fast to ignore modernization. Also, fire insurance companies
imposed strict penalties for not keeping up with the times, and neglect
of firefighting services threatened the community.
The volunteers reacted adversely to
the notion that their beloved fraternities be dissolved. A local San
Antonio newspaper, "The Times", advocated a paid fire department in
1886. Reaction by the volunteers to this campaign was heated. Chief
Duerler attacked the newspaper for printing inaccurate statements and
accused it of defamation of character and ingratitude toward the
volunteer firemen. Problems with the egos of volunteers were not new. In
Cincinnati, during the early 1850's, fire insurance companies requested
that the volunteers in that city switch from hand pumps to more
efficient steamers. The fire companies felt that their influence would
be greatly curtailed because the running of a steam pump required fewer
men than did a hand pump. The request of the insurance companies hurt
the feelings of the volunteers to the extent that the insurers feared
the resignation of all firemen. Consequently, they dropped the issue.
In his annual report to City Council
on March 28, 1887, Chief Duerler expressed pride in the services
rendered by the city's volunteer firemen. He hoped the Council would be
forthcoming in necessary funds for the future and cited statistics
claiming that the San Antonio Fire Department spent less than the
departments in Dallas, Galveston, and Houston. "Since
the city is growing its needs are growing", said Duerler. He suggested
several improvements: each hose company should hire an additional paid
man and obtain another horse, old hose carts which were in disrepair
should be replaced by four wheeled hose carriages that would be able to
carry four firemen along with equipment, the old Milam engine should be
replaced, and a larger hook and ladder truck should replace the present
one because it could not serve buildings over two stories in height.
These objectives were approved by City Council and were financed by a
$10,000.00 allotment from a $150,000.00 bond issue passed by the
electorate on April 30, 1887.
Duerler's report continued by stating
that the 27 fires reported in 1886 caused $55,650.00 in damage and that
insurance payments totaled $36,850.00, leaving $22,800.00 in locals
above insurance claims. A total of 157 volunteer firemen represented the
following six existing fire companies Fire Co. No. 1, Fire Co. No. 2,
Turner Hook and Ladder Company, 2nd Ward Home Co., Sunset Hose Co., and
Mission Hose Co.
Fire prevention and fire department
efficiency was enhanced in the decade of the eighties as the City
Council updated regulations. After the Brooklyn Theater Fire in 1876,
which took more than 300 lives, conflagrations at public functions were
recognized as a real safety threat. In 1888, city marshals found the
fire escapes at the Opera House to be inadequate and proposed that they
be widened and lengthened. In addition, the management was given 90 days
to put up iron curtains and a fire hydrant on stage. During
performances, two firemen were required to be stationed near the hydrant
with a hose and nozzle hook-up at hand in case of emergency.
On July 27, 1885, the City Council
adopted a fire directory dividing the city into fire districts, and
established a code of signals to pinpoint exact locations of fires. The
alarm signals determined which fire companies would respond. Only those
in the immediate vicinity of a blaze reacted. The codes eliminated the
previous turn-out of the entire force at each fire.
The frenzied attempts at updating city
services spilled over into the century's last decade and spelled the
demise of the Volunteer Fire Department. The punch to replace the
volunteers came to a head in April of 1890. In his report to city
council, the Chief Duerler lamented the fact that the present alarm
system was inefficient and that he had researched the possibility of
replacing it. The estimated cost of a "fire alarm plant" would not
exceed $20,000 but an additional $500.00 per month would be needed to
run the operation. He also stated, "The establishment of the fire alarm
system will in a few years compel a change from voluntary to a paid fire
department."
A committee was formed to purchase an
alarm system. On September 15, 1850, Alderman Lockwood reported the
committee's findings. They unanimously favored the installation of the
Gaynor Electric Fire Alarm System with a central office. The cost,
$17,225.00 was surprisingly less than Chief Duerler's estimate. The
committee's proposal was adopted.
On February 26, 1851, Mayor Callaghan
announced that "The fire alarm system will very soon be in operation,
and as under the present fire department, the apparatus of the various
companies invariably reaches the scene of conflagration far in advance
of the men that were using them, the necessity of a paid department is
apparent." Callaghan's statement was followed by a resolution from
Alderman Lockwood: "Whereas the City of San Antonio has arrived at that
stage in population and agrees that demands for its citizens as full
protection for life and property as the most modern means and appliances
will afford- Whereas it is recognized the fact in all modern cities that
in order to successfully combat ravages of fires and lessen danger of
great conflagrations a paid fire department is an absolute necessity
and- Whereas' since the new alarm system be ready in a few weeks, there
in a necessity for professionals otherwise the new system is
useless--(therefore) His Honor, the Mayor, is directed to take control
of the fire department and equipment and secure the necessary number of
men to handle and manage it." Lockwood then thanked the "Grand 0ld
Volunteer Fire Department of San Antonio". An ordinance supporting the
resolution was immediately proposed, it passed unanimously, and went
into effect two days later on March 1, 1851.
Enraged by the swift legislation,
Chief Duerler accused Mayor Callaghan and the alderman of making a
political move. Duerler's detailed reasons for the charge were not
explained by him or by local newspapers. Callaghan denied the accusation
by referring to Duerler's report from the previous year where he
admitted the need for a professional fire department. Duerler was
probably upset by the fact that Callaghan appointed Alderman Weber to
re-organize the department and excluded Duerler from participation.
Gustav Duerler remained chief in name only and six months later resigned
from his post.
Members of the volunteer fire
companies were stunned when told their service would no longer be
needed. Apparently they, like Duerler, hid from the reality that change
was imminent. The board of directors met briefly on the night of
February 28th to protest against the "summary disposal" of the volunteer
departments. The San Antonio Daily Express reported that the
members lingered about the fire hall after the meeting and some "made a
verbal kick against the way in which they were ousted." "After a half
hour spent in informal lament, the small gathering disbursed."
Mayor Callaghan told the Daily Express
that he was offering the opportunity to all the volunteers to become
members of the paid department. Many of them did join, but obviously
those who were businessmen and professionals could not leave their
present means of employment. Actually, the transition of manpower was
very smooth. The paid companies retained large numbers of the former
volunteers and hired several new men. Callaghan suggested that the old
volunteers form auxiliary fire companies, but records show that they did
not. After the professional fire department was established, Alderman
Jacob Weber implemented its re-organization. Six months later he
presented a favorable report to city council. The firemen had functioned
well while battling 49 recent conflagrations. The new fire alarm system
was working splendidly. It had passed the test of the numerous fires and
four practice drills. The other alderman were so pleased with Weber's
hard work that they unanimously voted to pay him $250.00 for his
services. At that same meeting, L.P. Peck accepted the appointment to
become Chief of the Fire Department and served at an annual salary of
$1500.00 until 1893. Following Peck's service, Gustav Duerler swallowed
his pride and once again became Chief.
In December of 1891, Chief Peck
requested and obtained from City Council enough money to purchase
additional equipment for the fire department. Among the variety of items
listed was a new fire engine to carry chemical extinguishing materials.
(Jim Miller, Deputy Fire Chief in present- day San Antonio says that the
chemical used in those days was carbon tetrachloride. It worked fairly
well but produced poisonous vapors and eventually was discontinued.)
Additionally, a new aerial hook and ladder truck was requested, two more
engines and teams, and engine houses for the west side of the city were
needed. The conservative spending habits of City Council were certainly
stretched at this point. These long overdue additions may well have been
prompted by insurance companies which penalized cities for not updating
firefighting abilities. In fact, Peck mentioned that his proposals were
endorsed by insurance companies.
When Gustav Duerler once again became
fire chief, he too called for additional equipment, horses, and fire
alarm boxes. On June 22, 1853, under Duerler's auspices, the Fire
Department once again re-organized in order to upgrade efficiency and
correct problems that arose during the first organization. An ordinance
enumerating the duties of personnel at each fire house, rules governing
the eligibility of deputy fire chiefs, uniform standards, police duties
of fire chiefs, and obligations of the general public were adopted.
By the turn of the century,
firefighting in San Antonio became so advanced that only reports from
technical literature can do service in explaining the activities of the
Fire Department. The first motorized fire engine transported men and
equipment in 1910 and some horse teams continued to serve through 1927.
Several ledger books, dated between 1900 and 1917, give a glimpse of
what the life of a fireman was like in the early 20th century. Accurate
accounts of the duties performed by each fireman, their work, eating and
sleeping hours, and care of the horse teams are found in these books.
Occasionally incidents when physicians were called to care for sick
firemen and the chastisement of delinquent or disorderly personnel are
mentioned in the records.
A most noteworthy observation made
from the list of employed firefighters suggests that, for the first
time, Hispanic men fought fires in the city. Each fire company observed
had several employees with Spanish surnames. This is most significant
because it indicates that the professional fire department acted to
raise the socio-economic status of the Mexican Community. Of the names
on the roster of the old volunteer fire department, only two people with
Hispanic surnames are listed. Somehow, the anglo city government crossed
ethnic boundaries to hire firefighters. Some of these Mexican-Americans
served as officers in their fire companies. In 1907, G. Luna was a
Lieutenant at Hose Company No. 9 and D.N. Diaz was Captain of Engine Co.
No. 11 in 1917. Non-Hispanic fire fighters served under them.
The growth and change of the San
Antonio Fire Department depicts an evolution of all urban services in
19th century America. Without constant modernization and re-organization
of fire departments, the potential for entire cities to be leveled by
disastrous conflagrations was real. As with disease and crime
prevention, fire safety was a constant concern of all citizens. Often
the upgrading of city services in San Antonio was held back by lack of
funds due to national depressions and fiscally conservative local
politicians. Inadequate financing of city services prevailed in Southern
urban areas during this time period. Towns 1ike New Orleans,
Charleston, and Richmond
suffered from poor drainage, unimproved streets, undermanned police
departments, and dreadful sanitary conditions. As in San Antonio, the
political and business elites often held back sufficient funds for
improving these services in the name of fiscal responsibility. In his
book, Cotton Fields and Skyscrapers, David Goldfeld writes,
"Urban leaders adopted a primitive cast benefit formula that applied to
decisions on funding for various services. .....if local legislators
believed the economic return .....from a particular service expenditure
would out weigh that expenditure, they would fund the service; if the
balance tilted in the other direction, they would reject the service
request." Eventually, antiquated Southern fiscal policies weakened
somewhat in San Antonio and more progressive attitudes took hold.
Consequently, legislators ultimately provided sufficient monies to
accommodate the needs of the expanding city in general, and the Fire
Department in particular.
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